Archive — Yemen Peace Project

civil war

Peace talks end on an optimistic note

A piece in Monday'sNew York Times put a mildly positive spin on the conclusion of the first round of direct peace talks between the Hadi-Bahah government and the Houthi-GPC alliance, which took place in Switzerland last week. The talks did not produce any concrete outcome in terms of ending the conflict in Yemen. However, they did result in increased humanitarian access to the city of Ta'iz, which had been under a total siege by Houthi-Saleh forces, and there was a limited exchange of prisoners between the two sides. Furthermore, according to an anonymous diplomat quoted in the Times, there was a "palpable warming on a personal level between the two delegations over the course of the week." Independent journalist Nawal al-Maghafi has tweeted similar observations from the peace talks:

A previous round of talks, held in Geneva in June, collapsed without the two sides even stepping foot in the same room, so the progress achieved in this round, limited though it was, is a good start.

Mapping the Yemen Conflict - ECFR

The European Council on Foreign Relations has put together a series of annotated maps to illustrate the multiple political and social aspects of Yemen's ongoing conflict. This is one of the most useful resources we've seen; it's not clear, however, whether the maps are still being updated.

Check out this feature from the ECFR here.

Power Vacuum in Aden - Adam Baron, ECFR

In a new article for the European Council on Foreign Relations, Adam Baron examines the unstable situation in Yemen's southern port city of Aden. The city serves as the provisional capital for President Hadi's government-in-exile, but despite its "liberation" from Houthi-Saleh forces by southern resistance fighters and Gulf state troops, security in Aden is practically nonexistent. On December 6, Aden's recently-appointed governor (nominally loyal to the Hadi government) and several of his guards were assassinated in a car bomb attack in al-Tawahi District. The attack was claimed by a local branch of the Islamic State organization.

The violence and instability in Aden—and for that matter, the rest of the country—remains fueled by patterns of instability that are, at their essence, rooted in years, if not decades, of failure by Yemen’s political leaders. Exacerbated by the ongoing conflict, this power vacuum has only grown in Aden as efforts by the Hadi government and its international allies to bolster the port city’s security have yet to move beyond the nominal stage.

Read the full article here.

November 25–30: Marib and Taʻiz still contested; UN demands peace talks

Yemen’s armed conflict has entered its ninth month with no end in sight: airstrikes and ground fighting across Yemen have thus far claimed the lives of more than 5700 people and pushed the country to the brink of famine, according to activist groups and aid agencies. A new report by Human Rights Watch details the failure of the Saudi-led coalition and its western backers to investigate unlawful airstrikes in Yemen, although “the evidence is everywhere.”  The UN special envoy for Yemen, Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed, is still pushing for new peace talks in Geneva. On November 25, Prime Minister/Vice President Khaled Bahah met with Ahmed in the Saudi capital, Riyadh. During the meeting, Bahah said that the delegates of his government aim to come back from the new Geneva talks with a solution that guarantees the restoration of peace and security in Yemen.

On Monday, President Abdu Rabbuh Mansor Hadi received a draft including notes on the agendas that have been proposed by the UN envoy for the proposed session of talks. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon met with PM Bahah on the sidelines of this week’s climate talks in Paris; during the meeting, Ban called on Yemen’s warring parties to return to negotiations immediately and without preconditions. Thus far the Hadi-Bahah government has insisted that the Houthis and their allies must implement UN Security Council resolution 2216 before talks can begin.

Over the weekend, airstrikes in the capital, Sanʻa, targeted once again mountainous positions that have repeatedly been struck over the past months. The warplanes also knocked out the road connecting Dhamar, Ibb, and Taʻiz provinces with Sanʻa.

It’s been two weeks now since coalition and resistance forces launched a major operation to “liberate” Taʻiz Governorate. Justifications for the delay in liberating Taʻiz and Marib have started to appear in the media; while the field commander in charge says the operation is going according to plan, the local tribal resistance commander stated that 10 brigades of Houthi/Saleh forces are fighting to hold their positions in Taʻiz.

Coalition units intensified their efforts to take control of the western part of Taʻiz, near the Red Sea town of Mocha. The western and eastern fronts are reportedly seeing the fiercest clashes since the operation was launched. Pro-Houthi forces are holding their positions in al-Shurayjah and al-Rahidah on the road to the southern province of Lahj despite heavy airstrikes.

Likewise, Marib’s western district of Sirwah has not yet been liberated, despite months of fighting. On Sunday, Marib’s deputy governor said that landmines planted by Houthi/Saleh forces are the main reason behind that.

November 10–17: Coalition launches Ta‘iz offensive, peace talks postponed

While the new session of UN-sponsored peace talks in Geneva seems to have been postponed, the airstrikes and ground fighting continued over the past week, mostly in central and southern Yemen and beyond the border with Saudi Arabia. Early Tuesday, President Abdu Rabbuh Mansur Hadi returned to his provisional capital, Aden, one day after Yemeni resistance and Saudi-led coalition forces launched a major operation to "liberate" the central city of Taʻiz. Hadi chaired a meeting focused on the security issues in Aden, where a number of areas are reportedly under the control of jihadi militants. On Sunday, Vice President and Prime Minister Khaled Bahah announced from Suqutra Island the return of his cabinet members to the southern port city of Aden.

Amid airstrikes by Saudi Arabia and its allies,  clashes have been taking place in the central governorates of Taʻiz and Marib as well as the southern governorates of Lahj and Shabwah.

In Taʻiz Governorate, fighting has been chiefly raging on the western fronts, near the Red Sea port town of Mokha, in addition to clashes in downtown Taʻiz city, where jihadi militants are believed to be fighting alongside other local resistance factions. Near Mokha town, battles have intensified as the resistance fighters along with Saudi-led coalition forces have gained ground in the al-Waziʻiyah area. However, tens of anti-Houthi forces were reportedly killed in roadside ambush.

In Marib, tribal fighters and coalition forces have attempted once again to advance in the western Sirwah district, with air support from fighter jets and Apache helicopters. Meanwhile, Yemeni Army (pro-Hadi) Chief of Staff, Major General Mohammad ʻAli al-Maqdashi, visited the district to oversee the battles there.

In Lahj, clashes have taken place near al-Anad military base, one of the most important military installations in the south. Resistance fighters along with coalition forces have reportedly gained a number of positions there.

In Shabwah, fierce fighting has been taking place in Bayhan district, which is controlled by pro-Houthi/Saleh forces. In the clashes, Islah Party members have reportedly been killed.

October 20–November 2: New talks expected, fighting continues, cyclone takes a toll

The civil war entered its eighth month on October 26, as the airstrikes and ground combat continue to rage on, mostly in central Yemen. That day, Saudi-led airstrikes destroyed an MSF-supported hospital in the northern governorate of Saʻdah, leaving the entire governorate with only one health facility. “At least 200,000 people now have no access to lifesaving medical care,” said an MSF press release. A new round of UN-sponsored peace talks aiming to end the drawn-out conflict in Yemen is expected to take place in Geneva on November 15, after being postponed last month. Meanwhile, fighting on the Saudi side of the border continues to intensify in the areas of Najran, Jayzan and Asir. 

Last month, the UN envoy to Yemen, Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed, tried to talk the warring parties into holding a new round of talks based on a seven-point proposal put forth during previous talks in the Omani capital, Muscat. Both the Houthis and their ally former president Ali Abdullah Saleh have assented to the negotiated implementation of UNSC resolution 2216, which requires them to hand over their weapons and withdraw from occupied cities. Yemen’s Saudi-backed government-in-exile, however, has insisted since the peace talks began on the Houthis’ full implementation of 2216 as a precondition to talks. Now, after many quibbles over the time and place of this new session, the UN envoy expects the talks to be held in Geneva on November 15.

In the meantime, the frontlines in the central governorates of Taʻiz, Marib, al-Baydha, and Ibb have seen clashes intensifying as Saudi-led warplanes provide aerial support for local resistance fighters. Sporadic clashes are also taking place in the southern governorate of Lahj, just north of Aden.

In Taʻiz city, clashes between local resistance militias and pro-Houthi/Saleh forces escalated over the past two weeks. Coalition war planes have been targeting the positions of Houthi/Saleh forces and airdropping weapons to the resistance. Over the weekend, local resistance fighters were able to secure a route into Taʻiz through the Houthi blockade, and smuggle a number of armored vehicles into Taʻiz amid the weeks-long siege imposed by the pro-Houthi forces.

Also in Taʻiz, a group of salafi militants, calling themselves “Humat al-ʻAqidah” (Guardians of Faith), have recently emerged and are fighting alongside the local resistance fighters. While the expected “decisive operation” for liberating Yemen’s third-largest city hasn’t yet began, the city may soon witness even fiercer fighting.

In Marib city, fighting for control over the western district of Sirwah continues to intensify, although parts of this district have already been “liberated” by Maribi tribes and coalition forces. Early last week, clashes broke out all over again, when the coalition-trained Maribi forces along with local tribal fighters made a push further into Sirwah, a district seen as the key area leading to the capital, Sanʻa. They were able to gain another position in the Mashjaʻ area of Sirwah, as pro-Houthi forces retreated under heavy airstrikes and artillery barrages. However, clashes are still taking place in other parts of Marib.

In al-Baydha, intermittent clashes between pro-Houthi forces and local tribal fighters took place mainly in two areas of the governorate, while Saudi-led warplanes provided the local resistance with air support. Airstrikes hit the provincial security building in downtown al-Baydha, while others targeted a number of positions of the pro-Houthi forces on the outskirts of the city.

In Ibb city, clashes have escalating over the past two weeks, especially after the Saudi-led coalition decided to supply the local resistance fighters with arms and provide them aerial support. The fighting has been taking place in the eastern areas near al-Dhaliʻ governorate. Some local observers, however, opine that the “liberation” of the neighboring cities of Taʻiz and Ibb should begin simultaneously.

On Monday, November 2, Cyclone Chapala swept over the Yemeni island of Suqutra, killing three people and injuring many more. The storm, which meteorologists called the most powerful to hit Yemen in recent history, made landfall on Yemen's southern coast the following day, flooding the city of al-Mukalla and other coastal towns. Recent reports say that more than 40,000 citizens have been displaced by the storm, which has dropped as much as a decade's worth of rain on some parts of the country already. Emirati and Omani authorities have already dispatched aid to Suqutra; al-Mukalla, which has been under the control of al-Qaeda for several months, has yet to receive outside assistance.

October 6–19: Civilians suffer as conflict drags on; new peace talks announced

Yemen’s civil conflict is now in its seventh month, and UN-backed peace talks remain stagnant. The conflict that started in late March has killed more than 4,500 Yemenis so far, including at least 502 children, according to UNICEF. An estimated 10% of the country’s population has been internally displaced. While 80% of Yemenis needs humanitarian assistance, more than half a million children face life-threatening malnutrition as a risk of famine grows. In an open letter, Oxfam and other NGOs urged UN Security Council members to act to end the months-long civil war and alleviate Yemen’s humanitarian crisis. On Tuesday, October 6, suicide attacks in the southern port city of Aden targeted the exiled government, which forced Vice President/ Prime Minister Khaled Bahah along with a handful of ministers to withdraw from the city. Three IS-claimed suicide attacks in Aden—the provisional capital—hit the exiled government’s temporary building, the residence of Emirati troops, and the Coalition’s Joint Command Center. At least 15 coalition troops and Southern Resistance fighters were reportedly killed in the attacks, which reveal that Aden’s security situation is much more fragile than it appears to be.

Some 400 Sudanese troops—out of 6,000 that the Sudanese government has reportedly pledged—were deployed to this “liberated” port city On Monday, October 19, two days after 300 troops had already arrived. But it has not yet been confirmed whether this second batch of Sudanese troops will be tasked with maintaining security in Aden, or be sent into combat elsewhere.

On Wednesday, October 7, more than 40 people were killed when an airstrike hit the house of three brother-grooms in Sanaban village, east of Dhamar city in Yemen’s central highlands. This was the second wedding party to be bombed in 10 days, as Saudi-led airstrikes continued to hit cities and towns across the country.

With aerial cover and support, fighting near the Red Sea coast continued to drag on with the aim of advancing on and “liberating” Taʻiz city, where pro-Houthi/Saleh forces have been imposing a siege for weeks now, leaving the local residents with no water, fuels, or other basic necessities. Although it has been more than two weeks since the Saudi-led coalition launched their operation liberate Taʻiz, no clear action has been taken, other than airstrikes, which have taken a heavy civilian toll along with artillery shells from pro-Houthi/Saleh forces. The coalition-allied fighters, which were deployed outside Lahj province on the road to Taʻiz late in September, have not been able to advance further since then. A coalition spokesperson said that “the geographical nature of the battlefield” is one reason behind that. Over this weekend, Saudi-led warplanes mistakenly struck some of those allied fighters, killing at least 30 and wounding 40 others.

In Marib Governorate, the Saudi-led coalition forces along with local tribal fighters are trying to maintain full control over the governorate, but landmines are slowing their progress. However, the coalition forces and their tribal allies are aiming to open another front in the neighboring governorate of al-Jawf. The Qatari government has reportedly offered to send troops to join the al-Jawf battle ground.

Across the borderline, pro-Houthi troops continue to pound the Saudi Army bases and installations in Najran, Jaizan and Aseer. Several Saudi soldiers have been killed and many others captured. Another Scud missile was also fired from the capital, Sanʻa, toward Khamis Mushayt airbase last week. While the Houthi army spokesman said that the missile hit its target, the Saudi-affiliated media contradicted this.

The launching of the ballistic missile came hours after the top Houthi leader, ‘Abd al-Malik Badr al-Din al-Houthi delivered a televised speech on Wednesday, October 14. His speech came right after a speech made by former president ʻAli ʻAbdullah Saleh. Both blamed Saudi Arabia for stalling the UN-backed talks aimed at ending the months-long conflict in Yemen. On Sunday, the UN envoy to Yemen announced that a new round of peace talks will be held soon. All parties to the conflict have agreed to participate in the talks that will be held in Geneva late this month.

Senate hearing showcases America's ambivalence

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee held a hearing today titled "The U.S. Role and Strategy in the Middle East: Yemen and the Countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council." Chaired by Senator Bob Corker (R-TN), the hearing featured Stephen Seche and Mary Beth Long as expert witnesses. Seche served as the US ambassador to Yemen from 2007-2010 and currently serves as the VP of the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, a think-tank funded by GCC governments but staffed by some credible DC thinkers. Long served for several years in the Department of Defense, and is now the head of a private security firm with a Middle East focus.  The senators present started out with questions on the current war in Yemen, the nature and purpose of American support for the Saudi-led coalition, and the role of Iran in the conflict. From there the hearing flailed into a discussion of Russia's relationship with the GCC states, with both committee members and witnesses undecided as to whether the GCC is wooing Russia to replace the US as their Most Important Ally, or planning to go to war against Russia in Syria. There was much talk of the "Russia-Iran alliance" as well. In fact, in some ways this was actually a hearing on Iran and what the US can and should do about Iranian influence in the region.

Those parts of the hearing that focused on Yemen were worth watching, however. Senator Corker and others on the committee pressed the witnesses on whether the US actually has any interests that are served by bombing Yemen, or whether America's involvement is purely motivated by Saudi/GCC interests. The eventual concensus seemed to be that the US was dragged, largely unprepared, into this conflict by Saudi Arabia, but that it is in America's interest to limit Iranian influence in Yemen. The witnesses disagreed on the actual extent of that influence, with Seche expressing the conventional wisdom of Yemen-watchers--that Iran isn't in charge of the Houthi-Saleh campaign for domination, or in his words, that "the Houthis are their own boss," but that Iran would benefit from a Houthi victory--while Long claimed that the Houthis are an outright Iranian proxy. Moreover, according to Long, Iranian, Russian, and Hezbollah fighters are already on the ground in Yemen (she at one point said, with a straight face, "we don't know how many there are, but we know it's increasing.").

Ms. Long's testimony was essentially a set of Saudi-authored talking points, with her Main Point being that, if the US wants to see this war come to a positive conclusion with decreased civilian casualties, it needs to hurry up and sell Saudi Arabia a lot more smart bombs, OR ELSE. Seche's testimony was much more balanced, without a clear political or economic agenda, which was refreshing.

Toward the end of the hearing, Senator Ed Markey (D-MA) raised quite forcefully the issue of Yemen's humanitarian catastrophe, and the fact that the Saudi-led bombing campaign and naval blockade have contributed to it, a point to which Seche agreed. Senator Markey went on to say that "our silence is complicity" in Saudi Arabia's violations of international humanitarian law. He further pointed out that US law forbids military assistance to military entities that have committed "gross violations" of international law and human rights, and suggests that KSA's actions in Yemen put it within the bounds of such prohibitions.

If Senator Markey defined one end of the spectrum of arguments presented at today's hearing--the empathetic, humanitarian, reasonable end, Mary Beth Long positioned herself firmly at the other. According to Long, the fact that Houthi-Saleh forces used a Russian-made missile against coalition forces proves that Russian and/or Iranian military advisors are on the front lines in Yemen, and that Iranian weapons shipments are practically pouring into Yemen on a daily basis. This disregards the fact that the missile in question was, as far as anyone can tell, part of the arsenal of the Yemeni army, and that the pro-Saleh military includes units trained in the use of such missiles.

The take-away: though both witnesses represent institutions with ties to GCC powers, Ambassador Seche offered thoughtful and earnest opinions based on his own experience, while Ms. Long parroted propaganda. When forced to boil down their recommendations for US policy, Seche urged US policy makers to make sure that any further arms transfers to Saudi Arabia come with "significant strings" in the form of commitments to engage productively in peace talks. Long, on the other hand, urged the US to deliver more and better munitions to Saudi Arabia as quickly as possible.

And one final exchange that I found very interesting: Senator Markey asked the witnesses if the US administration should be making more of a fuss about Saudi violations of international law. Seche said no; calling out the Saudis in public would be counterproductive, but the administration should speak to KSA "privately" about this. Markey then asked if the Senate, and specifically the FRC, should speak out publicly on the issue since the administration can't. Seche enthusiastically said yes, that a vocal Congress could be helpful in international negotiations. He even said that he had used the "help me get this pesky Congress off my back" approach in his own dealings with intransigent foreign governments in the past.

You can watch the full video of the hearing, or download the witnesses' written testimony, right here.

Below I've Storified just some of the livetweeting of the hearing, by myself as well as Beka Feathers of PILPG and Kate Kizer of ADHRB.

 

September 18 - October 5: Indiscriminate attacks continue, coalition advances in east and south

With peace talks still stalled, Yemen saw some of the heaviest indiscriminate airstrikes of the war over the past two weeks, in addition to ground fighting in the central parts of Yemen and near the Bab al-Mandab. Since mid-September, more than 300 people have reportedly been killed by Saudi-led airstrikes in a number of cities and towns. Indiscriminate shelling by pro-Houthi/Saleh forces, particularly in the city of Taʻiz, has also killed dozens of civilians in recent weeks. A UNOCHA-funded report found that “more civilian deaths and injuries from explosive weapons were recorded in Yemen during the first seven months of 2105 than in any other country in the world.” According to that report, at least 86% of those killed by bombs and other explosives in Yemen’s war have been civilians.

In the capital, Sanʻa, at least 90 people were killed in less than a week (September 18-23), including an entire family of 10 in the UNESCO-listed Old City of Sanʻa and another whole family of 11 members in a neighborhood to the north of the capital.

Meanwhile, on September 20, over 70 people were killed while visiting a local market in Munabbeh village of Saʻdah Governorate—just three days prior the ʻEid al-Adha Islamic holiday.

On September 27, an Apache helicopter killed at least 30 people in the northwestern village Bani Zayla’ of Hajjah Governorate, near the border with Saudi Arabia. On the next day, two airstrikes hit a wedding party in the southwestern village of Wahijah near the Red Sea coastal town Mokha, in Taʻiz Governorate. As many as 135 people, mostly women and children, were reportedly killed.

The wedding aerial attack, the deadliest single incident since the start of the Saudi-led air campaign, has drawn strong condemnations and resentful calls worldwide. On that day, UN chief Ban Ki-moon unusually criticized this Saudi campaign in a public statement, and called for an end to the bombings. The Netherlands’ UN mission also drafted a Human Rights Council resolution that called for an impartial, UN-led investigation into human rights and international law violations in ‪‎Yemen.

But while the Saudis were facing international pressure, the Netherlands eventually withdrew the draft. Instead, the Netherlands and other western states backed a resolution penned by Saudi Arabia and the Hadi regime, which made no mention of coalition airstrikes, and left the job of investigating human rights and law violations in the hands of the Hadi regime.

On September 22, Hadi returned to Aden after six months in exile in Riyadh. On September 26, he addressed the United Nations at the 67th UN General Assembly in New York City. From there, Hadi returned to Riyadh on Saturday October 3, not Aden as it was expected.

On Thursday, October 1, the Saudi-led coalition forces reportedly took control of the strategic strait of Bab al-Mandab on the Red Sea. Prime Minister and Vice President Khaled Bahah, who reportedly paid a brief visit to a camp near Bab al-Mandab, said the current operations "will push to retake Mokha and al-Hudaydah," both on the Red Sea, and then the "whole coastline up to the border with Saudi Arabia." The coalition also announced that it will start an operation next Thursday morning to liberate Taʻiz.

The seizure of Bab al-Mandab strait came in as Hadi-allied forces and resistance fighters from the southern port city of Aden were mobilizing in the al-Subbayha area of southern Governorate Lahj, some 70 km on the road to the central city of Taʻiz.

Meanwhile, coalition forces along with local tribal fighters have gained more positions in Marib and are closing in on the northwestern district of Sirwah, which is seen as the key area leading to the capital. While the pro-Houthi forces seem to have lost positions in the interior fronts, they have gained ground in the neighboring Saudi cities across the borderline. They claim to have captured military bases and destroyed several army installations, in addition to holding tens of Saudi soldiers as prisoners.

Letter from San‘a: "every breath is stolen"

This post was sent to us by a special guest contributor, Fatima Noman. Fatima is 16 years old, and lives in San‘a. This is her second post for the Mafraj Blog. I always imagined the light I saw before dying would be that sent from God—bright white with an angel glancing at me, tranquility—not that dropped by an aircraft.

It scares me how many times I've escaped death. I feel every breath of air I breathe is stolen. I feel like a fugitive running from death. Have you ever touched a dead person? They feel so cold, icy. Gelid. Every missile that hits makes my blood turn cold, my jaw dangles wide open and I can't speak. I try to remind myself that once again I have fled death. Once again I have beat the odds.

Some days I am strong and invincible. Other days like today I am shattered, broken and frail. I am trying to sleep but the thought of waking up dead is frightening me, but nobody is ever ready to die. I remember being 9 years old dreaming of my teens and how "cool" I'd be and how rebellious and flawless my life would be. Now at sixteen all I can think of is whether tomorrow I'll be cocooned in a white cloth being placed in a hole of dirt and whether my Mother will be grieving or if she'd be right next to me getting her share of dirt.

Some days are hard and just unbearable. I feel futile and vain. I've always been that person, you know the one that cries easily just one wrong word or one wrong move engenders a fit of tears. Lately, the tears have surged, they've turned into waterfalls, vast and endless. I try to talk my self into not breaking down but I can never find the right words. Every time I gaze at the mirror I vow to myself to not get frightened. I remind myself that the moment I came to life the hour of my death was previously written. It's useless, day after day. Talk after talk. Useless, pointless and worthless.

Just a year ago all I could think of was what university I want to go to and how to score higher grades. And of course the image that has always been in the back of my mind; sitting on a porch on a sunny day with my children playing around the backyard giggling and my two youngest fighting over the swings. Now, I feel illegible to dream or hope or aspire.

Today as I was sitting on my bed cushioned in the safety of my pillows reading my book when the missile hit. I jumped off the bed and out of the room. I waited then returned. This happened 5 times in the course of 8 minutes and each time I returned to the bed I would say: Fatima! You won't move this time, but I fail myself I continuously fail myself.

Lately, all I think of is if I do make it out this alive will I ever feel safe in silence or will silence always mean a stronger hit?

Communities in Hajjah count the cost of indiscriminate airstrikes

Abdullah Hadi, 39, returned to the water bottling facility outside his town around 3:00 a.m. to make the final checklist for the laborers working overnight, before ending his shift. Half an hour later, the chief coordinator and a dozen of his workers were killed by an airstrike. In the northwestern areas of Yemen, near the border with Saudi Arabia, scores of civilians have been killed while hiding in their homes, working at farms and factories, or while visiting popular markets, which are vital sources of income, food, and other necessities for most of the populace in the Tihamah coastal region and elsewhere in Yemen. Thousands of people in the northwest have also had to abandon their home towns, seeking safety elsewhere.

Haradh and Abs districts of Hajjah Governorate in particular have been continuously pounded since the first Saudi-orchestrated airstrikes on March 26. The coalition’s air campaign was originally billed as “quick and sharp,” aiming to roll back forces loyal to the Houthi movement and former president ‘Ali ‘Abdullah Saleh, and restore the exiled government in Riyadh to power.

To those ends, warplanes from Saudi Arabia and its allies started to bomb pro-Houthi military bases and weapon depots. Moreover, the Saudi-led coalition imposed a naval and land blockade with the aim of preventing arms shipment from reaching the Houthis.

But the Saudi-led coalition, which receives logistic support and materiel from the US and UK, has also targeted Yemen’s civilian infrastructure, taking a heavy toll on noncombatants, while blocking all commercial imports to Yemen and stalling much-needed humanitarian and medical shipments. According to the United Nations, at least 80% of the population needs some form of humanitarian assistance. Widespread power outages and fuel shortages have forced dozens of hospitals to shut down, while others have had to reduce their operation to the emergency units.

Despite the warnings of impending famine and the dire humanitarian situation across Yemen, the coalition has continued for six months now to bomb residential areas and ravage the country’s infrastructure. Targets of the airstrikes have included government buildings, health facilities, educational institutions, stadiums, seaports, heritage sites, IDP/refugee camps, factories, gas stations, and water storage and processing facilities.

During the past six days alone, at least 90 people have been killed in the capital, Sanʻa, as warplanes target densely-populated areas, including the UNESCO-listed Old City of Sanʻa, where an entire family of 10 members was buried under the rubble of their house this week. More than 70 people were reportedly killed on Sunday as coalition warplanes bombed a local market in Munnabih village of Saʻdah governorate, according to local health officials.

According to the international NGO Oxfam, at least 25,000 airstrikes have hit  Yemen since late March. The organization, one of the aid agencies in the country that has been affected by the aerial attacks, has also said that more than two thirds of the population lack access to clean water, which increases the risk of life-threatening diseases such as malaria, cholera, and diarrhea.

In rural areas of the Tihamah coastal plain, where tropical diseases are seasonally rampant, 41% of the local clean water supply systems—which Oxfam was supporting—have shut down.

In Abs district of Hajjah Governorate, some 30 km away from the town of Haradh—where Abdullah Hadi and most of the local water plant’s workers lived, the water tanks, the vocational training institute, the cultural center, and the central prison were among the public facilities hit by airstrikes, according to local residents .

“The Saudi warplanes appear to strike anything in here and in the neighboring areas as well,” Hafiz Makin, a 36-year-old resident, told the YPP. “A number of houses have even been targeted in particular.”

When the Saudi-led aerial campaign was launched in March, Hafiz was hopeful that the Houthis and their allies would soon be forced to withdraw from the areas they have occupied. “But after more than five months now, we have lost a lot of our loved ones, and virtually lost the life in our hometown,” he said.

Thousands of families in the district of Abs have been forced to leave their homes in search of safety elsewhere. Ali Yahya, a resident of Abs who works as a volunteer for aid agencies in the district, said that the situation in both Abs and Haradh is catastrophic amid daily airstrikes and artillery barrages.

“Most of the basic infrastructure in Abs and Haradh have been bombed; life has become difficult here,” said Yahya, noting that at least 17,000 local residents have been internally displaced. “There are two camps for IDPs in Bani Hassan area, some three kilometers from Abs”

According to several local residents, the water factory shelling was one of the most egregious examples of indiscriminate airstrikes they have seen since March 29, when the Saudi warplanes began to strike in and around Abs district, three days after the start of their aerial campaign in Sanʻa.

Al-Sham Factory, which used to produce large amounts of drinking water bottles, was totally destroyed by a predawn airstrike. “The entire factory was set on fire, engulfed in flames for several hours,” said the owner of the factory, Ali Rozoum.

“It is an overwhelming disaster to almost everyone in the area; thirteen local workers have just been killed all at once.”

September 8-17: Marib offensive heats up, PM returns to Aden

Following the breakdown of UN-backed talks in the Omani capital, Muscat, the envoy to Yemen has urged the warring parties to return to the table to end the six-month conflict. Exiled President Hadi and his government in Riyadh announced Sunday that they will not participate in the upcoming UN peace talks, although the UN Envoy Ould Sheikh Ahmed earlier welcomed the warring parties’ readiness.  

In a statement, Ahmed said that the Houthi and GPC representatives “have shown a great degree of flexibility” during the recent talks held for weeks in Muscat.

Hadi’s announcement came one day after the Saudi-led coalition’s own forces have mounted a fresh offensive in the oil-rich province of Marib, along with trained local tribal fighters.

It’s been five days now since the launch of Marib Offensive, although clashes have reportedly been taking place in the southeastern areas of Marib since last Tuesday, when the Hadi-allied forces along with dozens of armored vehicles were sent from the eastern area of Safer to the headquarters of the 3rd Military Region and an allied military base nearby.

The southern and western areas have seen attack-and-retreat fighting, with troops from the coalition forces trying to advance eastward to al-Jufaina and al-Fow areas, while others are trying to regain Dhat al-Ra’, where the tribal encampments of both Nakhla and al-Suahil are held by the pro-Houthi forces.  Pro-Houthi forces have been trying to fend off any advancement of their opponents, reportedly using BM-22 rocket launchers against coalition armored vehicles. They claim to have destroyed more than 20 armored vehicles in addition to killing and arresting several troops from the coalition forces.

The UAE government has officially announced that one Emirati soldier was killed in Marib fighting, days after it said that the death toll of its soldiers, who killed by the ballistic missile attack on September 4 in Marib had risen to 52 soldiers. While Qatar’s government has not yet commented officially, Houthi-affiliated media claim that a senior Qatari officer was killed.

The coalition’s fighter jets and Apache helicopters were providing air support/cover in Marib fighting and targeted any suspected movement by the pro-Houthi forces in areas located on the borderlines with Shabwa, al-Baydha and al-Jawf provinces. The warplanes also destroyed the road connecting Marib to the capital, San’a, after it was reportedly designated (by the Popular Resistance) as a military target.

The fighter jets also hit residential areas in several cities and towns, killing dozens of civilians, mostly children and women. On Tuesday alone, at least 10 cities were hit by airstrikes; over a hundred civilians were reportedly killed and wounded. The six-month war has killed more than 4,500 Yemenis and brought the country to the brink of famine.

Across the Saudi border, pro-Houthi units have killed several Saudi soldiers and captured military bases in Najran, Jaizan and Aseer cities. The Saudi government announced that five soldiers were killed in Najran.

Meanwhile, Vice President and Prime Minister Khaled Bahah arrived in Aden along with seven ministers from the government in exile. This second appearance since his first brief visit on the first of August comes as a step toward restoring a government after months of working from exile Riyadh. "Khaled Bahah and the ministers who arrived with him are in Aden to stay permanently," said exiled government spokesman Rajeh Badi.

September 1–7: Airstrikes intensify after Marib missile attack

The UN-backed talks in the Omani capital, Muscat, have failed to bring Yemen’s warring parties any closer to an agreement; pro-Houthi/Saleh units have launched another short-range ballistic missile, killing dozens of Saudi, Emirati, and Bahraini troops in Marib, while other units continued to attack Saudi military installations across the border; the coalition has again intensified its airstrikes on Sanʻa and other cities in what has been seen as retaliation for the ballistic missile attack; two brigades of soldiers from Saudi-led coalition have been deployed in Aden; Qatari troops have reportedly joined the battle; fighting in the central governorates of Taʻiz, Ibb, and al-Baydha has been raging on since early last week. Last week, Yemeni political representatives, involved in weeks-long negotiations in Muscat, heatedly debated the seven-point proposal on the table. The Houthis and their allies put forth an initiative, seen as a concession and an alternative to the seven-point proposal, which requires them to implement UNSC resolution 2216 immediately. The initiative includes a number of points, the most important of which is the return of the exiled government to Sanʻa for 90 days. As a result, the negotiations have hit a stumbling block once again. On Monday, September 7, the Houthi and GPC delegates returned to Sanʻa, while reports indicate that disputes among members of the exiled government have started to appear on the surface.

On Friday, another short-range ballistic missile was fired by pro-Houthi/Saleh units toward a camp, some 25 km from Marib city, where coalition forces were deployed as a prelude to an assault on Sanʻa via Marib. The missile attack killed 45 Emirati soldiers, 10 Saudis, and five Bahrainis, in addition to tribal fighters allied with the coalition. The attack came two days after the Chief of Staff and the Interior Minister of the exiled government came to Safer area of Marib. On the day of the attack, the Chief of Staff was reportedly sacked.

The Saudi-led coalition has intensified the aerial bombardment on Sanʻa and other cities, killing scores of civilians. At least 10 cities and towns have been hit over the past week. Since Friday, at least 27 were reportedly killed in Sanʻa alone.

The coalition has deployed 8,000 additional troops in the southern port city of Aden. A brigade including 5,000 Southern Resistance fighters has been reportedly dissolved, after mutiny erupted and the commander was seriously injured. One thousand Qatari troops have also been sent to Yemen, while Sudanese forces are reportedly being prepared to be sent as well.

August 25–31: Fighting rages on in Hudaydah, Ta‘iz, Marib, and Shabwah

As another month of war comes to a close, a peaceful resolution to Yemen’s conflict is no closer. UN-backed talks in the Omani capital, Muscat, seem to be doomed to failure; a Scud missile, reportedly fired from Yemen’s capital towards the Saudi city of Jaizan, was seen as a sign of determination and a message of defiance from the Houth-Saleh alliance; a fresh battle is taking shape in al-Hudaydah; Houthis and their allies have regained more positions in Taʻiz; troops from the Saudi-led coalition, deployed recently in Marib, have already advanced on Shabwah and will return to the neighboring governorates of Marib and al-Jawf ahead of the expected Sanʻa battle, while a brigade involving at least 5000 troops from the Southern Popular Resistance in Aden city has been formed to take charge of the city’s security. At least eight cities have been hit by the airstrikes over the past week, where scores of civilians have reportedly been killed, while Houthi-Saleh units continued to intensify their cross-border attacks on Saudi army installations. The UN special envoy, currently based in Muscat, has been pushing for a political settlement since early last week, but the exiled government in Riyadh is sticking to its previous demand that the Houthis withdraw from occupied cities and hand over their arms prior to any further negotiations. The Houthis, however, warned they would carry out “a disastrous response” if the Muscat talks failed. On Wednesday, a Scud missile was fired from Sanʻa, targeting a power plant in the Saudi city of Jaizan.

In the western coastal governorate of al-Hudaydah, clashes erupted in the southern town of al-Durayhimi between tribal fighters from the Zaraniq tribe and Houthis as they were trying to send reinforcement to Taʻiz. Houthi forces seem poised to take control of the road to Taʻiz, where they have also retaken some western districts.

In the southeastern province of Shabwah, Apache helicopters were seen supporting the Saudi-led coalition forces that advanced to liberate the area late on Friday. Dozens of Houthis were reportedly killed. But in the neighboring governorate of Marib, fighting escalated over the weekend, with the Houthis gaining ground after reportedly using rockets and missiles in the battle.

 

United States Policy & Yemen's Armed Conflict

The Yemen Peace Project (YPP), in partnership with Resonate! Yemen and Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, has published a new report entitled United States Policy & Yemen’s Armed Conflict. The report examines the events leading up to the outbreak of the conflict in early 2015, assesses the successes and shortcomings of US foreign policy before and during the conflict, and presents realistic recommendations for a more peaceful and constructive American approach to Yemen’s crisis. The report focuses on five specific policy areas: diplomatic engagement, military intervention, humanitarian assistance, security and counterterrorism, and assistance to US citizens in Yemen, and it concludes with a set of additional recommendations for constructive US involvement in Yemen’s eventual post-conflict reconstruction effort. You can read the executive summary and priority recommendations below, and download the full report here (PDF). النسخة العربية

Executive Summary

In March of this year, long-simmering regional and political tensions exploded into a full-fledged armed conflict in Yemen, with the Houthi movement and military forces loyal to former president ‘Ali ‘Abdullah Saleh fighting for control of the country’s major cities and key provinces. Arrayed against the Houthi-Saleh alliance are local militias allied with President ‘Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi and his government-in-exile, a coalition of Arab states led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, armed elements of the Southern Movement (al-Hirak), army units tied to General ‘Ali Muhsin al-Ahmar and the Islah Party, several powerful tribes, and an assortment of salafi and jihadi factions.

To date, more than 4,300 Yemenis have been killed in this conflict; at least half of these have been civilians. More than 1.4 million civilians have been forced to flee their homes. Most of the civilian casualties are the result of illegal indiscriminate attacks, carried out by both the Saudi-led coalition and the Houthi-Saleh alliance.

Although the United States has not committed combat forces to the conflict, it is playing an important role. On the diplomatic front, the United States has played an important and laudable role in working to bring the warring parties to the table. The Obama administration must now work with Yemen’s neighbors and the rest of the international community to establish secure routes for the delivery of humanitarian aid, push for an end to hostilities, reach an internationally-supported political settlement, and build a comprehensive material and economic reconstruction plan. The US must also work with other members of the United Nations Security Council, which has been circumvented by the Saudi-led coalition, to ensure that any further military intervention in Yemen complies with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.

In contrast to its constructive diplomatic efforts, many of the US administration’s other activities and policies are contributing to the perpetuation of the conflict and the destabilization of Yemen. US military and intelligence personnel are supporting the Saudi-led coalition’s ongoing campaign of aerial bombardment, which has violated international humanitarian law by deliberately targeting civilian residences and infrastructure, and by failing to protect civilians from harm.

The United States has also continued to carry out its own airstrikes against suspected members of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), killing at least 76 people in 2015. US counterterrorism efforts in Yemen have long attracted criticism for their emphasis on “kinetic” tactics—missile strikes and armed assaults on AQAP targets—rather than programs that address the causes and facilitating factors of extremism and violence. As the balance of power within Yemen changes, US strikes risk further destabilizing the situation, and contributing to militant groups’ recruitment efforts.

Yemen was already facing a humanitarian emergency before the present conflict broke out. Today the country is in the midst of a full-blown catastrophe. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), more than 80% of Yemen’s population is in need of some form of assistance. Millions of Yemenis are suffering from food insecurity and a lack of clean water; famine is just around the corner. Meanwhile, Yemen’s health care system has collapsed, and thousands of Yemenis are dying for lack of access to medicine and treatment. The UN’s emergency appeal for Yemen is only 18% funded. Early in the conflict Saudi Arabia pledged to cover the entirety of the previous appeal; none of the promised funds have been delivered. Both the coalition and the Houthi-Saleh alliance are preventing aid from reaching civilians, in violation of international law. Despite the presence of several US warships in the Gulf of Aden, the US has failed to assist in the evacuation of US citizens and other foreign nationals from Yemen, as required by a recent UNSC resolution.

Priority Recommendations

Diplomatic engagement:

  • The US must urge Saudi Arabia and its allies to end their military intervention, and insist that any further international involvement in the conflict adhere to the restrictions of the UN Charter and international law. The US should push for a new UNSC resolution to that end.
  • The US must work toward the inclusion of all parties and factions, including nonstate fighting groups, in the peace process. The participation of such groups in negotiations is essential to a lasting peace.
  • The US must actively engage with regional actors outside the GCC—most importantly Iran—and with other global powers, with the aims of discouraging proxy support for factions in Yemen’s internal conflicts and creating a regional and international structure of support for an eventual peace agreement.

 Military intervention:

  • The US must immediately suspend its logistical and technical support for Saudi and coalition airstrikes, which do not meet legal standards regarding the protection of civilians or distinction between combatants and noncombatants, and halt any pending transfers of ordnance or other materiel to coalition states.
  • The US must take all measures at its disposal to discourage unlawful attacks against Yemeni civilians, or military actions which place civilians at undue risk.

Humanitarian assistance:

  • The US must act immediately to fund the UN’s humanitarian response plan, and to help establish safe routes for the delivery of aid.
  • The US must urge Saudi Arabia to deliver the funds it has already pledged for humanitarian assistance, and allow UNOCHA to determine where and how those funds are used.
  • The US must urge the Houthi-Saleh alliance, as well as the Saudi-led coalition, to allow the free passage and distribution of humanitarian assistance.

Security and counterterrorism:

  • The United States must suspend its targeted killing program immediately, and put in place a system to evaluate the program’s effectiveness, as well as the potential effectiveness of alternative, non-kinetic programs.
  • The White House, intelligence community, Department of State, and Department of Defense must establish a counterterrorism strategy prioritizing non-military solutions to long-term challenges.
  • The Department of Defense must evaluate the effectiveness of past military aid to Yemen, and tie any future assistance to real institutional reforms.

Assistance to US citizens:

  • State Department and military officials must take all possible measures to ensure the safe evacuation of any remaining US citizens who wish to leave the country, and ensure that citizens and their family members who have left Yemen already—many of whom are now in Djibouti, Egypt, Jordan, or elsewhere in the region—are quickly and safely transported to the US.

Additional recommendations are included in the Policy Assessment and Recommendations section of the full report.


سياسة الولايات المتحدة والصراع المسلح في اليمن

ملخص تنفيذي

في أواخر شهر مارس من هذا العام، أفضى التوتر السياسي الإقليمي المتأجج مُنذُ فترة طويلة إلى صراع مسلح شامل في اليمن ضد حركة الحوثيين والقوات المسلحة الموالية للرئيس السابق علي عبدالله صالح الذين يقاتلون في سبيل السيطرة على المدن الرئيسية والأقاليم الأهم في البلاد. وفي مواجهة تحالف الحوثي وصالح تشكل تحالف عربي بقيادة المملكة العربية السعودية ودولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة وعناصر مسلحة أخرى موالية للرئيس الحالي عبدربه منصور هادي وحكومته في الخارج، من الحراك الجنوبي ووحدات مسلحة تنتمي لحزب الإصلاح والجنرال علي محسن الأحمر وعديد القبائل ذات النفوذ وكذا جماعات متنوعة أخرى من فصائل السلفيين والجهاديين.

وحتى الآن، قُتل أكثر من 4,300 يمني في هذا الصراع ، نصفهم على الأقل من المدنيين؛ كما نزح أكثر من 1.4 مليون مواطن. وتعود الإصابات بين المواطنين إلى الهجمات غير القانونية التي لا تفرق بين المقاتلين والمدنيين و المُنفذة من طرفي الصراع، سواءً التحالف العربي أو تحالف الحوثي وصالح. وبالرغم من عدم التزام الولايات المتحدة بأي قوات مقاتلة في هذا الصراع، إلا أنها تعلب دوراً محورياً فيه. وعلى الصعيد الدوبلوماسي، لعبت الولايات المتحدة دوراً هاماً وواضحاً في إعادة أطراف الصراع إلى طاولة الحوار. وعليه، فإن على حكومة أوباما أن تعمل مع دول الجوار في اليمن وبقية المجتمع الدولي من أجل تأمين طرق إيصال المساعدات الإنسانية، وإنهاء الصراع، والتوصل إلى تسوية سياسية بدعم دولي، وكذا وضع خطة إعادة إعمار مادية واقتصادية شاملة. كما يتوجب على الولايات المتحدة أن تعمل مع الدول الأعضاء في مجلس الأمن للأمم المتحدة، الذي تجاوزه التحالف العربي بقيادة السعودية، على ضمان أن أي تدخل عسكري آخر في اليمن سيكون وفقاً للفصل السابع في ميثاق الأمم المتحدة. وفي تناقض مع الجهود الدبلوماسية البناءة، تُساهم العديد من أنشطة وسياسات الإدارة الأمريكية في استمرار الصراع وزعزعة الأمن في اليمن. حيث تدعم الدوائر العسكري والاستخباراتية للولايات المتحدة الضربات الجوية التي يُنفذها التحالف العربي بقيادة السعودية في الوقت الراهن، والتي ارتكبت العديد من الاختراقات للقانون الإنساني الدولي عبر الاستهداف المتعمد للأحياء السكنية والبنى التحتية المدنية وكذا فشلها في حماية المدنين.

في حين استمرت الولايات المتحدة في تنفيذ ضرباتها الصاروخية ضد أعضاء مشتبهين من تنظيم القاعدة قُتل خلالها ما لا يقل عن 76 شخص في العام 2015 م، ولطالما جذبت جهود الولايات المتحدة لمكافحة الإرهاب في اليمن انتقادات لتركيزها على التكتيكات "الحركية" (“kinetic” tactics ) للضربات الصاروخية والهجمات المسلحة على مواقع القاعدة بدلاً من التركيز على البرامج التي تعالج الأسباب والعوامل المؤدية إلى التطرف والعنف. ونتيجة لتغير توازن القوى داخل اليمن، فإن الضربات الأمريكية قد تساهم في زعزعة استقرار الوضع وزيادة التجنيد في صفوف الجماعات المسلحة.وقبل إندلاع الصراع الراهن، كانت اليمن تواجه وضع إنساني حرج، الأمر الذي ترتب عليه حدوث كارثة إنسانية كبيرة في الوقت الحالي. ووفقاً لمكتب منسقية الأمم المتحدة للشئون الإنسانية (UNOCHA) فإن أكثر من 80% من إجمالي سكان اليمن في حاجة لشكل من أشكال المساعدة الإنسانية، ويعاني ملايين اليمنيين من إنعدام الأمن الغذائي والحاجة للمياة النظيفة؛ وتبدو البلاد على حافة الوقوع في مجاعة. في حين شهد النظام الصحي في اليمن إنهيار واضح، فإن آلاف اليمنيين يموتون بسبب القصور في تقديم الخدمات الطبية والعلاجية. كما أن نداء الطوارئ الذي قدمته الأمم المتحدة بخصوص دعم خطة الاستجابة الإنسانية في اليمن لم يتم تمويل سوى 18% منه. وفي بداية هذا الصراع تعهدت المملكة العربية السعودية بتغطية الخطة بشكل كامل؛ إلا أنها لم توفِ بذلك حتى الآن. بينما يعيق كلاً من التحالف العربي وتحالف الحوثي وصالح إيصال المساعدات الإنسانية للمدنيين في اختراق واضح للقانون الإنساني الدولي. وبالرغم من تواجد عدة سفن حربية تابعة للولايات المتحدة في خليج عدن، فشلت الولايات المتحدة في إخلاء المواطنين الأمريكيين والجنسيات الأخرى من اليمن، كما هو مطلوب في قرار مجلس الأمن الأخير.

توصيات متعلقة بالأولويات

التعامل الدبلوماسي: • على الولايات المتحدة حث المملكة العربية السعودية وحلفائها على إنهاء التدخل العسكري، والإصرار على أن يخضع أي تدخل دولي مستقبلي في اليمن لقيود القانون الدولي في ميثاق الأمم المتحدة. وعليه يتوجب على الولايات المتحدة أن تدفع نحو صياغة قرار صادر عن مجلس الأمن بهذا المحتوى. • على الولايات المتحدة أن تعمل على إشراك كل الأحزاب والفصائل، بما فيها من جماعات مقاتلة غير حكومية، في عملية السلام. إن مشاركة كل هذه الجماعات في المفاوضات أمر محوري من أجل بناء سلام دائم. • على الولايات المتحدة أن تعمل بشكل فعال مع اللاعبين الإقليميين خارج دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي، إيران على وجه الخصوص، والقوى الدولية الأخرى للحد من تغذية أطراف الصراع الداخلي في اليمن والسعي لإيجاد إطار إقليمي ودولي يفضي إلى إتفاق سلمي نهائي.

التدخل العسكري: • على الولايات المتحدة تعليق دعمها الفني واللوجستي لضربات التحالف العربي الجوية التي لا تتوافق مع المعايير القانونية فيما يخص حماية المدنيين أو التمييز بين الأفراد المحاربين من غيرهم، وإيقاف أي تحويلات معلقة من الذخائر أو المواد الأخرى لدول التحالف. • على الولايات المتحدة أن تتخذ جميع التدابير المتاحة لديها للحد من الهجمات غير القانونية ضد المدنيين اليمنيين، أو الأعمال العسكرية التي تعرض المدنيين لخطر لا مبرر له.

المساعدة الإنسانية: • على الولايات المتحدة أن تعمل فورا على تمويل خطة الاستجابة الإنسانية للأمم المتحدة، والمساعدة في تأمين طرق إيصال المساعدات الإنسانية. • على الولايات المتحدة حث المملكة العربية السعودية على الإيفاء بما تعهدت به من تمويل لخطة الاستجابة الإنسانية، والسماح لمنسقية الأمم المتحدة للشئون الإنسانية (UNOCHA) بتحدد كيف وأين يستخدم هذا التمويل. • على الولايات المتحدة حث تحالف الحوثي وصالح، والتحالف العربي أيضاً، على تأمين ممر حر والسماح بتوزيع المساعدات الإنسانية.

الأمن ومكافحة الإرهاب: • ينبغي على الولايات المتحدة تعليق برنامجها "القتل المستهدف"" targeted killing" على الفور، ووضع نظاماً لتقييم فعالية البرنامج، فضلا عن الفعالية المحتملة من البرامج البديلة، برامج"غير الحركية""“non-kinetic. • يتعين على البيت الأبيض، ومجتمع الاستخبارات، وزارة الخارجية، وزارة الدفاع وضع استراتيجية لمكافحة الإرهاب وإعطاء الأولوية للحلول غير العسكرية للتحديات طويلة المدى. • ينبغي على وزارة الدفاع تقييم فعالية المساعدات العسكرية السابقة لليمن، وربط أي مساعدة مستقبلية بإصلاحات مؤسسية حقيقية.

مساعدة مواطني الولايات المتحدة: • ينبغي على وزارة الخارجية والمسئولين العسكريين اتخاذ جميع التدابير الممكنة لضمان الإخلاء الآمن لأي من مواطني الولايات المتحدة المتبقين والراغبون في مغادرة البلاد، وضمان نقلهم وأفراد أسرهم الذين غادروا اليمن سابقاً، والذين لا يزالون حتى الآن في جيبوتي أو مصر أو في أي مكان آخر في المنطقة، على وجه السرعة وبشكل آمن إلى الولايات المتحدة.

تحميل التقرير الكامل

War's next major front takes shape in al-Hudaydah

The Red Sea coastal city of al-Hudaydah, in western Yemen, is bracing for a major battle, similar to the fight that occurred last month in Aden, as local resistance fighters and coalition forces drove out pro-Houthi troops. Earlier this month, a local group—calling itself the Tihamah Popular Resistance (TPR)—publicly stated that “it will soon start to liberate” al-Hudaydah Governorate from the Houthi presence. Headed by the former governor of al-Hudaydah, Sakhr al-Wajih, the TPR group indicated in a press statement on August 10 that its plan for the “final stage” of liberation has already been established and will be activated shortly. Saudi airstrikes have intensified in and around al-Hudaydah over the past week, a move seen as an attempt by the Saudis and their allies to support this local resistance group, as well as a prelude to deploying ground troops from the Saudi-led coalition’s own forces. But while the airstrikes aim at supporting the local resistance, they have also killed scores of civilians in the area. The airstrikes have also damaged the Hudaydah seaport—Yemen’s second-largest—closing a main import hub for aid supplies to the country’s north.

The TPR includes pro-Islah members and affiliates of the Peaceful Tihami Movement (al-Hirak al-Tihami al-Silmi), also referred to as the Tihami Hirak. The Movement emerged after Yemen’s 2011 popular uprisings, in response to a number of long-term local grievances. Since its inception the Movement has included members from a number of political parties and factions, united by their regional identity. At present the Tihami Hirak and the Islah Party share a common goal: the expulsion of pro-Houthi forces.

The Houthis and their allies, in turn, have intensified their presence by erecting and manning more checkpoints in and around Hudaydah. Checkpoints with armored vehicles can be seen on several streets downtown, and on the roads leading to the neighboring governorates of Taʻiz to the south and Hajjah to the north.

Al-Hudaydah is believed to be of great importance to the Houthis as “it provides them with means of access to cities like Taʻiz, Ibb and Aden,” where resistance fighters have recently gained ground, according to local analyst Alallah Sumam. “It is also a rich source of earnings and supplies through the second largest seaport in the country,” he added.

But most of the local people live below the poverty line, and are struggling to make a living amid the catastrophic situation. Months of airstrikes and low-intensity ground fighting, in addition to the blockade imposed on all the country’s ports, has taken its toll.

“We don’t need fighting [in Hudaydah]; we don’t want to suffer like the Adeni people,” Ahmed Hassan, a 35-year-old local resident who works on motorcycle to make a living for his family, told the YPP. “We are suffering already from the fuel shortages and electricity outages in this heat-scorched city.”  In August the average daily temperature in al-Hudaydah is 91̊ F.

On October 14, 2014, the Houthis entered Hudaydah and seized the main government buildings, over three weeks after they captured the capital, Sanʻa. Three days after they entered the city, a small group of fighters from the Tihami Hirak took up arms to fend off the Houthis when they attempted to capture the Hudaydah Castle, which the Hirak has used as a base since 2012. But the Houthis  swept Hirak members out of their bastion in a matter of hours. Although Hirak fighters have tried to regain the castle, they have each time either driven away or held captives in it.

Since then, the Houthis have maintained a firm hold on the city, while the resistance fighters, who have limited weapons, have been struggling to force them out. According to several observers in al-Hudaydah, the Houthis far outstrip the resistance fighters militarily.

“They grabbed heavy and medium weapons from several depots of military bases in Amran and Sanʻa before they entered Hudaydah,” political analyst and lawyer Ahmed Buraih said in an interview. Buraih also indicated that the Houthis have captured weapons from bases of the land and naval forces in al-Hudaydah since their arrival.

Over the past six months, the Hudaydah resistance has resorted to the hit-and-run approach, while covertly mobilizing more fighters. Resistance fighters have, every now and then, pounced on Houthi checkpoints and trucks in and around Hudaydah, through roadside attacks. Local anti-Houthi activists, however, have often criticized such an approach, which they say echoes al-Qaeda’s tactics.

The Houthis have responded by arresting pro-Islah figures and members of the Tihami Movement as well as local activists and journalists. During the last week, more than a dozen leading members of Islah were abducted in al-Hudaydah, according to an insider and eyewitnesses.

Soon after the TPR statement was issued, resistance fighters increased their attacks in al-Hudaydah Governorate, as the Saudi-led coalition intensified air and naval strikes. Just four days after the statement’s release, Coalition warships bombed pro-Houthi artillery bases in al-Durayhimi town to the south of Hudaydah city, on the road to Taʻiz. Clashes have sporadically taken place outside the town and in other areas nearby.

On August 12, Houthi figure Taha al-Mutawakkil was killed along with his driver in an ambush by resistance fighters to the east of Hudaydah, as they were coming from Sanʻa. Al- Mutawakkil was the Imam of Hashush mosque in Sanʻa, which was attacked in April by the Islamic State’s self-proclaimed group in Yemen.

On August 18, resistance fighters attacked two trucks carrying Houthis in Hudaydah city, while another truck was attacked in Bajil town to east of the city. Several Houthis were reportedly killed and wounded. Meanwhile, fighters fired rockets on a Houthi checkpoint to the south of al-Hudaydah. Four Houthis were killed while five others were injured.

On August 23, resistance fighters attacked a Houthi checkpoint some 45 km north of the city on the road to the town of Haradh in Hajjah, killing three and wounding four others.

On August 25, clashes between resistance fighters and Houthis resumed near the towns of al-Durayhimi and Bayt al-Faqih on the southern road to Taʻiz, as coalition airstrikes provided cover for the resistance.

A local source said that the Houthis were using the road to send reinforcement to Taʻiz, where Houthis and their allies seem to have retaken a number of positions. “But tribal fighters from the Zaraniq tribe, headed by Shaykh Yahya Munassir, intercepted them and clashes ensued,” said the source, who asked to remain anonymous, fearing reprisal.

Cooperation between Jihadis and Resistance raises questions for the South's future

We're pleased to present another guest post by a contributor we've featured on this blog twice beforeThe author, who is posting anonymously for professional reasons, is a resident of ‘Aden. I have edited the English version of this post for clarity. Our guest posts do not necessarily reflect the positions of the YPP. On July 17, Yemeni Vice President and Prime Minister of the government in exile, Khaled Bahah, announced the “liberation” of Aden from the control of Ansar Allah and the elements of Yemen’s armed forces loyal to former president ‘Ali ‘Abdullah Saleh (mainly the former Central Security Forces and Republican guard).   

There is another side to the truth, neglected in official announcements but visible in reports from the ground. Behind the successful defense of Aden from pro-Saleh/Houthi forces was a collection of three kinds of active armed groups: youth inspired by the Southern independence movement (al-Hirak), Safali militants, and members of Ansar al-Shariʻah (AAS) and al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) [editor’s note: some observers and foreign governments consider Ansar al-Shariʻah to be an alias or subsidiary of AQAP, but others insist that the two organizations maintain distinct identities.].

Each of these groups has its own headquarters and training sites. One fighter who was active on the Salah al-Din front in al-Burayqah Directorate of Aden said, “I don’t understand why the local media neglected to credit Ansar al-Shariʻah and al-Qaeda with the victory in Ras ‘Amran [Village, west of al-Burayqah]. This is not fair!”

The important role of AAS, AQAP, and the Salafi militias are well known to local leaders, media, and civilians, but most avoid speaking about this openly, in order to avoid confusion or disagreements which could harm the fight against the Houthi/Saleh forces. It is also commonly known that one of the prominent commanders of the local resistance who was killed during the liberation of Ras ‘Amran, Muhammad Harbaj, was a member of AAS.

Forces loyal to Yemen’s legitimate government [i.e. President Hadi’s government in exile] have been the weakest link in Aden. Though these forces have indeed participated in battles on all fronts, they are less prepared and less well-trained than other militias. One example of this is the pro-Hadi forces’ failure to properly take advantage of weapons air-dropped in Aden by the Saudi-led coalition. The reason for this failure is that these forces, like the Hiraki youth and Salafi militias, lack the experience and knowledge to properly use and maintain the American-made weapons provided. AAS and AQAP were better prepared to use such weapons, given their groups’ exposure to US weapons in Iraq and Afghanistan, while the other militias are only familiar with Russian-style equipment.

The pro-Hadi forces also had less of a concrete reason to fight the Houthi-Saleh coalition. For example, Salafi militants sought revenge against the Houthis for the conflict in Dammaj [in Saʻdah, from which Ansar Allah forcibly expelled residents affiliated with a prominent Salafi institution]; AAS and AQAP are fighting to survive; Hiraki youth, for their part, are fighting for the cause of an independent Southern state. Pro-Hadi fighters, on the other hand, were encouraged to fight with promises of payments in Saudi Riyals and 40 liters of fuel from Aden’s refinery, which they could then sell on the black market.

The question of the moment is, what comes after the reconquest of Aden? Some of the most pressing concerns for Adenis include the reconstruction of roads, the restoration of electricity and water supplies, and the resettlement of the thousands of people who were displaced from the districts of Crater, Khor Maksar, al-Maʻala and al-Tawahi. Similar problems face the neighboring governorates of Lahj, al-Dhaliʻ, and Shabwah; there is also the matter of how authorities can compensate citizens affected by the conflict.

Perhaps even more important than these issues is the challenge of counterterrorism. Whatever authority comes to power in Aden will have to reckon with several armed Islamist groups, all of which have proved themselves in the battle for Aden, and all of which continue to be involved in the fight against the Houthi/Saleh forces.

For more on the uneasy alliance between AQAP and other Southern factions, read this piece by renowned Yemeni journalist Saeed al-Batati.

 

في تاريخ يوليو 17، 2015 اعلن نائب الرئيس و رئيس الوزراء اليمني "خالد بحاح" عن "تحرير عدن" من تقدم انصار الله المدعومة من القوات الموالية من الجيش (أمن مركزي و حرس جمهوري) للرئيس اليمني السابق علي عبدالله صالح.

للحقيقة جانب أخر من خلال المقال سنحاول التعرف عليه... يعود فضل عدم سقوط عدن بيد قوات تحالف انصار الله وصالح الى مزيج من مليشيات ثلاث مكونات فاعله بالوقت الحالي "شباب متأثر بأدبيات الحراك الجنوبي، السلفيين ، انصار الشريعة و القاعدة" جميعها تشاركت جبهات القتال ضد مد تحالف انصار الله  وصالح.

فكلاً من المليشيات الثلاث كانت لها غرفة العمليات الخاصة بها والتي منها تدريب مواقها في جبهات القتال، يتحدث احد المشاركين في جبهة قتال منطقة صلاح الدين التابعة لمديرية البريقة " استغرب عدم تناول الإعلام المحلي لحقيقة انتصار انصار الشريعة والقاعدة في جبهة عمران، إن ذلك غير منصف !".

رغم علم الكثير من الشخصيات الاجتماعية و وسائل الإعلام وحتى العامة من الناس للدور المهم الذي يلعبه انصار الشريعة و القاعدة بالإضافة إلى السلفيين إلا انهم يتجنبون الحديث صراحة الاعتراف بذلك الدور علناً تفادياً للتشويش الذي قد ينتج على المعارك ضد تقدم تحالف انصار الله وصالح. فقائد اللجان الشعبية لمنطقة صلاح الدين الذي قتل اثناء تحرير منطقة رأس عمران ويدعى "محمد حرباج" احد اعضاء انصار الشريعة في عدن.

القوات التابعة للشرعية في عدن هي "الحلقة الأضعف"، صحيح انها شاركت ايضاُ في جبهات القتال إلا ان جهودها ببقية المليشيات المسلحة المشاركة معها فإنها تعتبر الأقل جاهزية للقتال، فعلى سبيل المثال الاسلحة الامريكية التي قدمت من قبل قوات التحالف السعودي لإستخدامها ضد تقدم انصار اللخ و صالح لم يستفاد منها بالشكل الكافي ! والسبب يعود بأن القوات التابعة للشرعية بالإضافة إلى المليشية المتأثرة بأدبيات الحراك الجنوبي بالإضافة إلى السلفيين لا يملكون المعرفة الكافية لإستخدام ذلك العتاد العسكري الأمريكي خلاف انصار الشريعة و القاعدة الذين يملكون معرفة ممتازة بإستخدام العتاد العسكري الأمريكي والذي عدد من عناصر القاعدة تمكنت من إستخدامة في افغانستان و العراق. خلاف بقية المليشيات المسلحة التي تملك خبره جيدة بإستخدام العتاد العسكري الروسي فقط !

النقطة الأخرى، بقية المليشيات المسلحة التي قاتلك مع القوات التابعة للشرعية عندما قاتلك فإن اسبابها اكثر صلابها فعلى سبيل المثال السلفيين يقاتلون إنتقاماً "لحرب دماج" بينما انصار الشريعة والقاعدة التي تقاتل كي تبقى واخيراً المليشية المتأثرة بأدبيات الحراك الجنوبي فإن سبب قتالها إستعادة ما تعتقد انه إستعادة الدولة الجنوبية".

خلاف القوات التابعة للشرعية التي تقاتل لأجل مجموعة من الريالات السعودية و 40 لتر بترول ممنوح من مصافي عدن ليتم بيعة لاحقاً بالسوق السوداء !

السؤال المستحق في هذه اللحظة، ماذا بعد استعادة عدن !؟

إعادة إعمار عدن ويشمل ذلك البنية التحية من طرقات وكهرباء وماء ... و عودة النازحين الى بيوتهم التي تركوها في مديريات كريتر، خورمكسر، المعلا و التواهي.

بالإضافة إلى إعادة إعمار المحافظات الاخرى المتأثرة بالصراع المسلح كلحج، الضالع و شبوة وتعويض المواطنين عما فقدوه.

والأهم من ما سبق... قضايا مكافحة الإرهاب الذي بلا شك سيكون الملف الأبرز وهنا سيكون التحدي اكبر لأن الجماعات الاسلامية قد اثبتت وجودها في معركة عدن وماتزال تعيش نزوة الانتصار بعدما كانت سبب ايضاً في صمود واستعادة عدن !

Southern resistance turns the tables in Aden

Resistance fighters in the southern city of Aden--which has been facing the brunt of pro-Houthi/pro-Saleh aggression since March--launched a major counteroffensive on Tuesday, retaking Khor Maksar district and Aden International Airport and reportedly pushing Houthi/Saleh forces out of parts of Aden's lower districts as well. According to reports that have circulated quietly in recent days, the Saudi-led coalition has been bringing heavy weapons, vehicles, and coalition-trained Yemeni fighters into Burayqah Port for several weeks in preparation for this assault. Along with these assets, the coalition also provided air support to resistance fighters as they advanced across northern Aden.

Five important things to note about today's events:

  1. Though Adenis and people throughout the south are celebrating, I expect there's still a lot of fighting to come in this part of the country. Even if the Houthi/Saleh forces are driven out of Aden completely (they haven't been, yet), there are several factions in the area that don't all get along. They're all armed now, and there's still no central Adeni leadership to which they all answer.
  2. No matter what you read in the papers, the resistance fighters in Aden are not "pro-Hadi" or "pro-government" or "loyalists." They are mostly pro-independence, and some will resist any attempt by the Hadi government or Saudi Arabia to take control.
  3. Fighters aligned with AQAP and/or IS are present in Aden. They are by no means the leading faction there, but they are in the mix, and they have their own agenda.
  4. A victory for the resistance won't mean an end to the humanitarian catastrophe in Aden. According to the World Food Program, even the Saudi-controlled ports weren't open for aid deliveries today. Furthermore, as long as the Saudi blockade continues to shut out commercial traffic, Aden and Yemen will not have enough food or fuel to survive.
  5. I don't have anything definite or insightful to say about Yemen's relevance to larger geopolitical events, but it might not be a coincidence that this offensive started just around the time the US and Europe announced the conclusion of a political deal with Iran.

I've set up a Google map of Aden and its environs, marking a couple of important locations. The map is edit-able, so please feel free to add your own notes and markers:

May 19-26: UN talks postponed, reversal in al-Dhali', clashes along the border

The planned UN-sponsored peace conference on Yemen has dominated the local press coverage over the past week, along with the Saudi-led campaign and civil conflict in several of Yemen’s main cities. An escalation in artillery fire on the border with Saudi Arabia is also drawing attention. Early last week, after the three-day Riyadh conference was wrapped up, attention turned to the UN-sponsored peace effort, with talks slated to take place in Geneva on May 28. But by the end of the week, this conference was postponed indefinitely, days after President Abdu Rabbu Mansur Hadi—currently in exile Riyadh along with his government—met with the UN Envoy. Meanwhile, Hadi said that he will engage in Geneva talks only if the most recent UN Security Council Resolution is implemented, which requires the Houthis to hand over their arms and withdraw from the cities they took over. Earlier, the Houthi Movement’s leader, ‘Abd al-Malik al-Houthi, signaled in a televised speech his willingness to participate in the UN-sponsored conference.

But on Saturday, a group of Houthi delegates flew to Oman, “to discuss the Yemeni situation and get to know the Omani position.”

The airstrikes over the past week have heavily pounded pro-Houthi/Saleh military bases in several main cities, chiefly the capital, Sanʻa, where the explosions of weapons depots have become common scenes. Meanwhile, clashes between pro-Houthi/Saleh forces and their opponents were reported to have been dramatically intensified in at least ten areas, including Aden, Taʻiz, Marib, al-Jawf, Shabwah, al-Dhaliʻ, Abyan, and Lahj. The “popular resistance” fighters (i.e., anti-Houthi/Saleh forces) were reported to have gained control of some areas.

In the southern city of al-Dhaliʻ, local resistance regained control after two months of sporadic clashes against pro-Houthi/Saleh forces [editor’s note: the 33rd Armored Brigade, loyal to former president Saleh, has been waging a brutal campaign of repression and collective punishment against the population of al-Dhaliʻ since long before the start of this war. Although the international press reported the liberation of the town by “pro-Hadi fighters,” the local resistance is in fact aligned with the Southern independence movement, and has no allegiance whatsoever to Hadi. In fact, President Hadi infamously washed his hands of the conflict in al-Dhaliʻ last year, telling reporters that he had no influence over the 33rd Brigade and declining to intervene against it]. In the eastern province of Marib, local fighters took over a strategic mountain in western district of Sirwah after fierce clashes.

On the border with Saudi Arabia, pro-Houthi fighters have reportedly been trading artillery fire with Saudi troops over the past week. The Houthi-affiliated TV channel, al-Masirah, has broadcast several videos of clashes in the area. The Khamais Mushayt airbase in southern Saudi Arabia was reportedly hit by a Scud missile. On Tuesday, al-Masirah aired alleged footage of homemade missiles called “Piercing Stars” with target ranges of 45km / 75km and warheads of 50kgs / 75kgs.

May 10-18: Humanitarian Pause changes little on the ground

During the past week, the five-day “humanitarian pause”—a temporary ceasefire agreed to by Saudi Arabia and the Houthi leadership—dominated local press coverage, while sporadic clashes were reportedly taking place in central and southern Yemen. Two days before the ceasefire took effect on May 12, the Houthi Political Bureau agreed to it, as it “welcomed any positive and serious step.”

During the ceasefire, UN agencies released new statistics on casualties resulting from the aerial bombardment campaign and ground fighting, reporting that more than 1800 people have been killed since March, and more than 500,000 others displaced.

The explosion of a weapons depot to the east of the capital, which sent munitions flying miles away, has reportedly killed 90 people.

In the town of Zabid, not far from the western port city of al-Hudaydah, at least 30 people were killed when a local market was hit by two airstrikes.

In Abs District of Hajjah Governorate, at least 40 people including more than a dozen inmates were killed in a prison at the District Security Building, after it was struck by airstrikes.

Despite this ceasefire, clashes reportedly continued in the southern port city of Aden, the central city of Taʻiz, and the eastern city of Marib, as well as the southern city of al-Dhaliʻ.

Although aid organizations were able to fly in some humanitarian supplies during the “pause”—the first of its kind in 47 days of the Saudi-led aerial campaign—the  aid delivered is a small fraction of what is now required.

The new UN envoy to Yemen, visited Sanʻa for the first time over the last week, and called on the Saudis to extend the humanitarian pause. There has been no official reply to his call. The Houthi-appointed army spokesperson, Sharaf Luqman, welcomed the UN envoy’s call.

Just hours after the ceasefire came to an end, the airstrikes resumed in Aden, hitting several areas, including the airport.

A three-day conference was held in Riyadh, bringing together leaders of several Yemeni factions in opposition to the Houthi-Saleh forces. The conference ended with pledges of cooperation against the groups’ common enemies. Preliminary UN-led peace negotiations between the Houthis, the Hadi government in exile, and other factions is scheduled for May 28 in Geneva.