UAE and Allied Forces Accused of Abuses in Aden

This is a consolidated version of three posts on the role of the United Arab Emirates in southern Yemen, by our guest blogger in Aden, who writes anonymously for professional reasons and safety concerns. The perspective of the author does not necessarily represent the positions of the YPP. The YPP has been able to independently verify some, but not all, of the claims reported herein. The YPP’s Hannah Porter assisted with editing and translation.

Mid-July marks the first anniversary of the battle to retake control of Aden from Ansarullah (Houthi) and Saleh forces. With military and financial support from the Saudi- and Emirati-led Arab coalition forces, a mix of Salafi militias, the Southern Resistance, mercenaries loyal to President Hadi, and members of Ansar al-Shariah/al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AAS/AQAP) formed a united front against the Houthis.

A year on, the United Arab Emirates continues to play a prominent role in South Yemen, particularly in Aden. The Emirati Red Crescent promotes a polished image of the UAE across the world and within Yemen by providing increased aid to the country.

Yet a different image—that of the UAE’s military role in South Yemen—is still incomplete. Apart from the military training, weapons, and armed vehicles that the Emirates provides to their southern agents, specifically to Aden’s governor Aidrus al-Zubaydi and security director Shalal Ali Shayae, there is another side to the story that journalists and activists don’t dare to touch, possibly because of Emirati support for their media outlets and humanitarian organizations, or because of the security crackdown by al-Zubaydi and Shayae.

The UAE has presented itself in southern Yemen as a global partner in the war on terror. Emirati forces oversaw the security crackdown last March in Aden’s al-Mansurah district and in al-Mukalla, the capital of Hadhramawt province, which was under AQAP control until recently. As a result of the Emirati-led offensive, AQAP chose to withdraw from Mukalla in April following consultations with respected local figures.

The security crackdown overseen by Emirati security forces, including a string of arrests of those with suspected ties to AQAP and the Islamic State group (IS), has been conducted outside the rule of law, according to some local observers. Emirati forces allegedly operate seven secret prisons in southern Yemen, where dozens of Yemenis have been tortured and forced to confess to being members of AQAP or IS.

A former detainee in one of the prisons said, “They allowed us to go to the bathroom once a day and did not allow us to pray. They forced me to write a false confession to being a member of al-Qaeda after subjecting me to agonizing torture.”

Many families do not know the fate of their sons who are being illegally detained in prisons under Hadi’s authority and those seven prisons run by the UAE. Thus far, international organizations and foreign powers have paid little attention to this aspect of Emirati involvement in Yemen. Given the immense scope of human rights violations being committed by all parties to Yemen’s conflict, the plight of these detainees will likely continue to be ignored.

It is fair to say that the United Arab Emirates has control over matters of security in Aden province, especially with the help of Aden’s governor Aidrus al-Zubaydi and head of security Shalal Ali Shayae. It appears, however, that Hadi’s government has recently been experiencing some tension with the forces controlling its temporary capital.

More than 2,000 Yemeni citizens from northern provinces working in Aden have been expelled with the help of UAE forces. Those carrying out the expulsions believe that northern Yemenis working in the South are either spies working for the Houthis and Saleh or saboteurs seeking to thwart future attempts at self-determination in South Yemen.

Despite clear orders from President Hadi and Prime Minister Ahmed bin Daghr instructing al-Zubaydi and Shayae to end the campaigns of deportation, the author witnessed deportations as recently as June 20.

Northern Yemenis who are arrested for the purpose of deportation are mainly thrown in the central prison in Aden’s district of al-Mansurah.

Yemen’s state judiciary is not functioning at all in this part of the country, so security and law enforcement, such as it is, is in the hands of local authorities and foreign forces. In Aden and other parts of the south, some of these functions are being carried out by local armed forces trained and equipped by the UAE.

In Aden alone there are four extrajudicial prisons run by the UAE, where dozens of Yemenis are tortured and forced to confess to being members of AQAP or IS. One is located behind Sha’ab City, near the residences of the UAE forces. Another is at the presidential palace in the area of Maashiq in Sirah (Crater) District. A third can be found at the coast guard camp in Khormaksar’s al-Arish District. The final prison is located in the Ras Abbas area in the district of Buriqah.

In Lahj province, UAE forces also keep detainees at al-Anad air force base. Some sources claim that another UAE-run detention facility exists on the island of Soqotra.

In Hadhramawt province, UAE forces use the Khalef area of Mukalla as a locale for one of their prisons. As a result of the many extrajudicial campaigns to arrest suspects in and around Mukalla, UAE forces and their local allies may open additional prisons as well.

Many of the Yemenis accused of being members of IS or al-Qaeda were arrested by units trained by UAE forces to conduct raids. These forces are not subject to Yemeni authorities nor are their operations approved by Yemen’s prosecution or courts, which have recently been inoperable.

Aden’s so-called Security Belt Forces are considered the most powerful security unit overseen and trained by the UAE, primarily carrying out orders issued by the commander of UAE forces in Aden to conduct raids and make arrests.

Mohamed Ba Rwis, a famous soccer player for Yemen’s national team and Aden’s al-Wahda club, was unlawfully arrested in July by Security Belt Forces during a raid of his home in al-Mansurah. He was taken to an unknown location, causing his family, friends, and Yemen’s soccer fans to fear for his safety.

Setting a dangerous precedent, the Security Belt Forces also arrested al-Mansurah’s deputy police chief Ayman Alibah and, according to a security source, detained him at one of the UAE-operated prisons in the district of Buriqah. The reason for his arrest is still unknown.

His detention certainly came as a shock to the heads of al-Mansurah’s police force and other security personnel in Aden. The incident also reveals the weak leadership of Aden’s head of security, Shalal Ali Shayae, and the extent of his loyalty to the UAE forces in the area.

These units have carried out dozens of similar arrests of Southern Resistance commanders, including the arrest in early June of Haleem al-Shuaibi, from the Hazm Salman Battalion, and commander Osan al-Kazimi in April.

Aden’s local newspaper, Al-Omanaa, published a statement by Southern Resistance commander Abu Mesh’al al-Dheb who said, “The most painful thing imaginable is to see our national sovereignty violated and to undergo investigation at the hands of foreigners on southern land.”

In the article, al-Dheb delivered an important message to whoever supports these arrests and raids: “Know that you cannot impose your will on a revolutionary people. They may tolerate it for a brief time, but they will absolutely not accept any prolongment or subordination.”

Aden's most powerful forces answer to UAE, not Hadi

This is the third of three posts on the role of the United Arab Emirates in southern Yemen, by our guest blogger in Aden, who writes anonymously for professional reasons and safety concerns. The perspective of the author does not necessarily represent the positions of the YPP. The YPP has been able to independently verify some, but not all, of the claims reported herein. The YPP’s Hannah Porter assisted with editing and translation. 

Many of the Yemenis accused of being members of IS or al-Qaeda were arrested by units trained by UAE forces to conduct raids. These forces are not subject to Yemeni authorities nor are their operations approved by Yemen’s prosecution or courts, which have recently been inoperable. 

Aden’s so-called Security Belt Forces are considered the most powerful security unit overseen and trained by the UAE, primarily carrying out orders issued by the commander of UAE forces in Aden to conduct raids and make arrests.

Mohamed Ba Rwis, a famous soccer player for Yemen’s national team and Aden’s al-Wahda club, was unlawfully arrested in July by Security Belt Forces during a raid of his home in al-Mansurah. He was taken to an unknown location, causing his family, friends, and Yemen’s soccer fans to fear for his safety.

Setting a dangerous precedent, the Security Belt Forces also arrested al-Mansurah’s deputy police chief Ayman Alibah and, according to a security source, detained him at one of the UAE-operated prisons in the district of Buriqah. The reason for his arrest is still unknown.

His detention certainly came as a shock to the heads of al-Mansurah’s police force and other security personnel in Aden. The incident also reveals the weak leadership of Aden’s head of security, Shalal Ali Shayae, and the extent of his loyalty to the UAE forces in the area.

These units have carried out dozens of similar arrests of Southern Resistance commanders, including the arrest in early June of Haleem al-Shuaibi, from the Hazm Salman Battalion, and commander Osan al-Kazimi in April.

Aden’s local newspaper, Al-Omanaa, published a statement by Southern Resistance commander Abu Mesh’al al-Dheb who said, “The most painful thing imaginable is to see our national sovereignty violated and to undergo investigation at the hands of foreigners on southern land.”

In the article, al-Dheb delivered an important message to whoever supports these arrests and raids: “Know that you cannot impose your will on a revolutionary people. They may tolerate it for a brief time, but they will absolutely not accept any prolongment or subordination.”

يتم القبض على الكثير منهم من خلال فرق دربت لعمليات المداهمات والاقتحامات تتبع القوات الاماراتية ولا تخضع للسلطات اليمنية ولا تستند الى إذن من النيابة والمحاكم التي جلها معطلة حتى هذه اللحظة.

وتعتبر قوات ما تسمى "الحزام الامني"، اهم الوحدات الامنية التي دربتها وتشرف عليها القوات الاماراتية وهي تنفذ بشكل رئيسي الاوامر التي تأتيها من قائد القوات الاماراتية الموجود في عدن للقيام بعمليات المداهمة والاعتقال.

محمد بارويس، لاعب كرة القدم الشهير في المنتخب اليمني. يلعب في صفوف نادي الوحدة في عدن. تعرض هو الاخر للأعتقال علي ايدي قوات الحزام الامني التي اقتحمت منزلة الواقع في مديرية المنصورة واقتاده الى مكان مجهول بعد ان اعتقلته خارج إطار القانون. مسببين في ذلك الخوف في اوساط اسرته ومحبيه من عشاق كرة القدم في اليمن.

هذا ليس كل شيء، فقوات الحزام الامني تعتبر اعلى سلطة امنية في محافظة عدن بسبب تبعيتها للقوات الاماراتية التي تتولى بدورها إدارة الملف الامني. ففي سابقة خطيره. اعتقلت تلك القوات نائب شرطة المنصورة، ايمن اللبه, اثناء تواجده في احد احياء مديرية المنصورة و زجت به بالسجن التابع للقوات الاماراتية في مديرية البريقة وفق مصدر خاص. وليس من الواضح حتى الان سبب الاعتقال.

دون شك، إن مثل هذا الاجراء يشكل صدمة لقيادة شرطة المنصورة وبقية الافراد المنتمين للأمن العام في عدن. وهو ايضاً يوضح ضعف قيادة الامن العام ممثلة باللواء شلال شائع و مدى ولائه للقوات الاماراتية المتواجدة في المدينة.

يذكر أن قوات الحزام الأمني نفذت عشرات الاعتقالات المشابهة بحق قادة ميدانين بالمقاومة الجنوبية كان آخرهم حليم الشعيبي القيادي بكتيبة حزم سلمان وقبله القيادي أوسان الكازمي.

وقد اوردت صحيفة الامناء، وهي صحيفة محلية تصدر في عدن تصريح لأحد قادة المقاومة الجنوبية اسمة ابو مشعل الذيب يقول فيه: قمة الالم هو عندما تنتهك السيادة الوطنية ويتم التحقيق مع الثوار على ارض جنوبية بأيدي خارجية.

وبحسب تعبير الصحيفة فإن القائد ابو مشعل الكازمي ارسل رسالة هامة إلى كل من يقفون وراء عمليات الاعتقالات والمداهمات التي طالت منازل قيادات المقاومة قائلاُ : ياهؤلاء عليكم أن تعلموا انه لايمكن فرض إملاءات على شعب ثائر قد يتقبل فترة مؤقتة لظروف هنا وهناك لكنه قطعآ لن يقبل أي تسويف او وصاية او خضوع.

Emirati forces run extrajudicial prisons across the South

This is the second of three posts on the role of the United Arab Emirates in southern Yemen, by our guest blogger in Aden, who writes anonymously for professional reasons and safety concerns. The perspective of the author does not necessarily represent the positions of the YPP. The YPP has been able to independently verify some, but not all, of the claims reported herein. The YPP’s Hannah Porter assisted with editing and translation.

It is fair to say that the United Arab Emirates has control over matters of security in Aden province, especially with the help of Aden’s governor Aidrus al-Zubaydi and head of security Shalal Ali Shayae. It appears, however, that Hadi’s government has recently been experiencing some tension with the forces controlling its temporary capital.

More than 2,000 Yemeni citizens from northern provinces working in Aden have been expelled with the help of UAE forces. Those carrying out the expulsions believe that northern Yemenis working in the South are either spies working for the Houthis and Saleh or saboteurs seeking to thwart future attempts at self-determination in South Yemen.

Despite clear orders from President Hadi and Prime Minister Ahmed bin Daghr instructing al-Zubaydi and Shayae to end the campaigns of deportation, the author witnessed deportations as recently as June 20.

Northern Yemenis who are arrested for the purpose of deportation are mainly thrown in the central prison in Aden’s district of al-Mansurah.

Yemen’s state judiciary is not functioning at all in this part of the country, so security and law enforcement, such as it is, is in the hands of local authorities and foreign forces. In Aden and other parts of the south, some of these functions are being carried out by local armed forces trained and equipped by the UAE.

In Aden alone there are four extrajudicial prisons run by the UAE, where dozens of Yemenis are tortured and forced to confess to being members of AQAP or IS. One is located behind Sha’ab City, near the residences of the UAE forces. Another is at the presidential palace in the area of Maashiq in Sirah (Crater) District. A third can be found at the coast guard camp in Khormaksar’s al-Arish District. The final prison is located in the Ras Abbas area in the district of Buriqah.

In Lahj province, UAE forces also keep detainees at al-Anad air force base. Some sources claim that another UAE-run detention facility exists on the island of Soqotra.

In Hadhramawt province, UAE forces use the Khalef area of Mukalla as a locale for one of their prisons. As a result of the many extrajudicial campaigns to arrest suspects in and around Mukalla, UAE forces and their local allies may open additional prisons as well.

لا ابالغ ان قلت ان الامارات تتولى ادارة الملف الامني في محافظة عدن على وجه التحديد بواسطة وكلائها في الداخل وهم محافظ عدن ومدير الامن. ويبدو ان الحكومة الموالية لهادي قد بدءت تشعر بالانزعاج مؤخراً.

اكثر من 2000 مواطن يمني ينتمون الى المحافظات الشمالية ويعملون في عدن قد تم ترحيلهم الى خارج المحافظة بدعم من القوات الاماراتية المتواجدة في المدينة. يعتقد القائمون على عمليات الترحيل بأن المواطنين المنتميين الى المحافظات الشمالية الذين يعملون بعدن هم إما جواسيس يتبعون قوات انصار الله وصالح، او جماعات تخريبية قد ينبع منها ردات فعل عكسية تجاه اي خطوات مستقبلية تتعلق بتقرير مصير جنوب اليمن.

وبالرغم من الاوامر الصريحة من رئيس الجمهورية اليمنية ورئيس الوزراء التي توجه محافظ عدن ومدير امنها بوقف حملات الترحيل إلا ان كاتب المقال شاهد بعينية احد عمليات الترحيل في تاريخ يونيو 20.

يزج بالمواطنين الشماليين الذين يتم القبض عليهم لغرض ترحيلهم بشكل رئيسي في سجن المنصورة المركزي، في مديرية المنصورة.

وفي ذات الملف الامني، تدير القوات الإماراتية سبعة سجون خارج إطار القانون في جنوب اليمن، يعذب فيها العشرات بشكل مهين وتُنتزع منهم اعترافات بالإكراه تفيد بأنهم أعضاء في تنظيمي القاعدة والدولة الاسلامية باليمن.

في عدن وحدها توجد اربعة سجون تديرها القوات الإماراتية. اول هذه السجون يقع خلف مدينة الشعب وهو قريب من مقر إقامة القوات الإماراتية. بينما يقع السجن الثاني الذي تديره القوات الإماراتية في القصر الرئاسي بمنطقة معاشيق في مديرية صيرة. اما السجن الثالث فيوجد في معسكر قوات خفر السواحل، منطقة العريش في مديرية خورمكسر. والسجن الرابع يقع في منطقة رأس عباس، مديرية البريقة.

 وفي محافظة لحج، تتخد القوات الأماراتية من قاعدة العند الجوية العسكرية سجن اخر تديرة بشكل سري.

وفي محافظة سقطرى ايضاً تتخد القوات الاماراتي موقعاً لأحد سجونها السرية.

وفي محافظة حضرموت، تتخد القوات الإماراتية من منطقة خلف في عاصمة المكلا مكاناً لأحد سجونها في اليمن. وهنا من المهم الحديث من ان نتيجه للحملات خارج إطار القانون الكبيرة تجاه الكثير من المشتبه بهم من سكان المكلا والمناطق القريبة منها. قد لجئت القوات الاماراتية لفتح سجون اخرى بشكل سري لم يسمح لي بالتعرف عليها حتى الان

يتم القبض على الكثير منهم من خلال فرق دربت لعمليات المداهمات والاقتحامات تتبع القوات الاماراتية ولا تخضع للسلطات اليمنية ولا تستند الى إذن من النيابة والمحاكم التي جلها معطلة حتى هذه اللحظة.

UAE abuses in the south receive little attention

We are pleased to feature another piece by our guest blogger in Aden, who writes anonymously for professional reasons and safety concerns. The perspective of the author does not necessarily represent the positions of the YPP. The YPP has not been able to independently verify the facts reported herein. The YPP’s Hannah Porter assisted with editing and translation.

Mid-July marks the first anniversary of the battle to retake control of Aden from Ansarullah (Houthi) and Saleh forces. With military and financial support from the Saudi- and Emirati-led Arab coalition forces, a mix of Salafi militias, the Southern Resistance, mercenaries loyal to President Hadi, and members of Ansar al-Shariah/al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AAS/AQAP) formed a united front against the Houthis.

A year on, the United Arab Emirates continues to play a prominent role in South Yemen, particularly in Aden. The Emirati Red Crescent promotes a polished image of the UAE across the world and within Yemen by providing increased aid to the country.

Yet a different image—that of the UAE’s military role in South Yemen—is still incomplete. Apart from the military training, weapons, and armed vehicles that the Emirates provides to their southern agents, specifically to Aden’s governor Aidrus al-Zubaydi and security director Shalal Ali Shayae, there is another side to the story that journalists and activists don’t dare to touch, possibly because of Emirati support for their media outlets and humanitarian organizations, or because of the security crackdown by al-Zubaydi and Shayae.

The UAE has presented itself in southern Yemen as a global partner in the war on terror. Emirati forces oversaw the security crackdown last March in Aden’s al-Mansurah district and in al-Mukalla, the capital of Hadhramawt province, which was under AQAP control until recently. As a result of the Emirati-led offensive, AQAP chose to withdraw from Mukalla in April following consultations with respected local figures.

The security crackdown overseen by Emirati security forces, including a string of arrests of those with suspected ties to AQAP and the Islamic State group (IS), has been conducted outside the rule of law, according to some local observers. Emirati forces allegedly operate seven secret prisons in southern Yemen, where dozens of Yemenis have been tortured and forced to confess to being members of AQAP or IS.

A former detainee in one of the prisons said, “They allowed us to go to the bathroom once a day and did not allow us to pray. They forced me to write a false confession to being a member of al-Qaeda after subjecting me to agonizing torture.”

Many families do not know the fate of their sons who are being illegally detained in prisons under Hadi’s authority and those seven prisons run by the UAE. Thus far, international organizations and foreign powers have paid little attention to this aspect of Emirati involvement in Yemen. Given the immense scope of human rights violations being committed by all parties to Yemen’s conflict, the plight of these detainees will likely continue to be ignored.

يصادف منتصف يوليو/تموز الذكرى السنوية لبدء معارك استعادة السيطرة على مدينة عدن من قوات أنصار الله/ صالح. مزيج من مليشيات سلفية، إلى جانب المقاومة الجنوبية، وقلة من المرتزقة المواليين للرئيس هادي بالإضافة الى أنصار الشريعة جميعهم شكلوا جبهة موحدة دعمت بالمال والسلاح من قوات التحالف العربي بقيادة شقيه السعودي والإماراتي.

لعبت الإمارات العربية المتحدة دورًا بارزًا في عدن وجنوب اليمن بشكل عام ولا تزال تلعب ذلك الدور حتى الآن. فالهلال الأحمر الإماراتي ما زال يغذي الصورة الساطعة للإمارات في أوساط المجتمع اليمني والعالم من خلال الدعم الغذائي المتنامي الذي يقدم لليمنيين.

بينما الدور العسكري للإمارات العربية المتحدة في جنوب اليمن لا يزال غير مكتمل الصورة. بعيدًا عن العربات والأسلحة والتدريب الذي تقدمة الإمارات العربية المتحدة لوكلائها في جنوب اليمن وعلى رأسهم محافظ عدن ومدير أمنها, ثمة دور آخر لا يقترب منه إعلاميو وحقوقيو جنوب اليمن ولا يريدون الكتابة عنه ربما للدعم الإماراتي لوسائلهم الإعلامية ومنظماتهم المدنية وربما أيضًا للقمع الأمني الذي يقوده كل من محافظ عدن و مدير أمنه.

أعلنت الإمارات العربية المتحدة للعالم أن دورها في جنوب اليمن يأتي ضمن الجهود العالمية لمحاربة الإرهاب. اشتباكات خفيفة أشرفت عليها القوات الاماراتية في المنصورة بعدن وأخرى في مدينة المكلا, عاصمة محافظة حضرموت كبرى المحافظات اليمنية شرقي البلاد, على إثرها اختار أنصار الشريعة الانسحاب طواعية استجابة لوساطة مجتمعية من شخصيات تحظى باحترام المجتمع في كلا المنطقتين.

إلا أن حملات الاعتقالات التي تشرف عليها القوات الإماراتية في جنوب اليمن تجاه المشتبه بانتمائهم لتنظيمي القاعدة وداعش تمضي باستمرار خارج إطار القانون, بالإضافة إلى حملات الترحيل القسري للشماليين الذي يعملون في مناطق جنوب اليمن وخصوصًا عدن.

تدير القوات الإماراتية سبعة سجون في جنوب اليمن، يعذب فيها العشرات بشكل مهين وتُنتزع منهم اعترافات بالإكراه تفيد بأنهم أعضاء في تنظيمي القاعدة والدولة الاسلامية باليمن.

أحد الذين كانوا معتقلين قال: ((يسمح لنا الذهاب مرة واحدة في اليوم لدورة المياه، كما لا يسمح لنا بممارسة شعائرنا الدينية, وارغموني على تسجيل اعتراف كاذب بأني عضو في القاعدة بعدما تلقيتُ تعذيبًا مبرحًا)).

كثير من العائلات لا تعرف ما هو مصير أبنائها المحتجزين خارج إطار القانون في سجون جنوب اليمن التي تديرها سلطة الرئيس هادي, والسبعة السجون التي تديرها القوات الإماراتية. والسؤال الذي علينا أن نسأل ضمائرنا هو: "من يكترث لمصير هؤلاء!؟"

The Marib offensive, three weeks in

On the surrounding rocky hills some four kilometers to the west of Marib City, pro-Houthi forces have been holding positions since early this month, while the Saudi-led coalition’s own forces along with local tribal fighters fight to sweep them out of the way to the capital, Sanʻa. The coalition’s ground offensive in the oil-rich governorate of Marib, in central Yemen, is part of a larger strategy to take control of Sanʻa, some 175 km to the west of the governorate. The ongoing battle in Marib, though, seems to have produced a standoff so far, two weeks after the ground offensive officially began on September 13, hours after the exiled President Hadi and his government in Riyadh backed out of UN-sponsored talks to end the months-long conflict in Yemen.

According to several sources in Marib, however, clashes between tribal fighters and pro-Houthi forces were already taking place more than a week earlier. The coalition-trained Maribi fighters and coalition armed forces were “sent as reinforcements.”

“The fighting broke out late in August in Sirwah district [northwest of Marib], when the Houthis attempted to make a push toward Marib City,” a tribal elder in the city told the YPP via telephone, indicating that the clashes between the warring parties were escalating day by day.

Coalition forces based in the Safer area, to the east of Marib City, have been reportedly preparing to mount a ground offensive as part of their larger campaign to “liberate” Houthi-controlled Sanʻa, in what was allegedly dubbed “Operation Sweeping Current.”

Meanwhile, pro-Houthi forces were able to advance on the rocky hills outside Marib, after fierce clashes along three fronts there killed dozens on both sides, according to local tribal and military sources.

On September 4, Houthis also fired a short-range ballistic missile from Bayhan district of the neighboring Shabwah province, killing 67 Emirati, Saudi, Bahraini soldiers as well as an unknown number of local tribal fighters at a camp in Safer.

By September 8, four days after the ballistic missile attack, hundreds of trained tribal fighters along with a number of coalition’s own forces were seen heading for Marib city, coming from Safer.

“At least 700 local fighters, who were trained in Saudi Arabia along with troops from the coalition forces, have arrived in the headquarters of the 3rd Military Region and a military base in Sahn al-Jin area,” military sources in Marib told the YPP, pointing out that the military base in the area is used as a training camp for the local fighters.

The military sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that these allied troops were “sent as reinforcements on Tuesday [September 8],” after the pro-Houthi forces took control of three positions near the rocky hills.

Despite those reinforcements, the pro-Houthi forces “started to carry out heavy missile attacks using Katyusha and Uragan BM-27 rocket launchers, targeting both the HQ of the 3rd Military Region and the training camp,” said the sources, adding that several coalition troops were killed, and a number of armored vehicles destroyed.

On that day, the UAE government officially stated that one Emirati soldier was killed in the Marib fighting. There had been no official comments from the other Gulf States participating in the current ground offensive, but Houthi-affiliated media outlets claimed that two Qatari soldiers were killed, and that a score of armored vehicles were totally destroyed. Those figures could not be confirmed independently.

In response, the tribal fighters fought their way back to the western areas of al-Jufaina, Edat al-Raa’ and Tabbat al-Masaryah, where pro-Houthi forces are holding their positions. Coalition fighter jets and Apache helicopters provided the Maribi fighters with air support, according to both military sources.

On September 12, the Saudi-led coalition officially announced the ground offensive in Marib, hours after the exiled government in Riyadh announced it would not participate in the UN-backed peace talks, which were expected to be held in few days later.

On Friday, September 25, at least 1,000 local fighters, who had been trained in Saudi Arabia, crossed through the town of al-Abr in Hadhramawt governorate, and headed for Marib aboard military armored vehicles and tanks.

The military sources said that these troops arrived at the HQ of the 3rd Military Region and the military base in Sahn al-Jin area. “But this time, the troops advanced under an air cover and after heavy airstrikes” on Houthi positions. According to several tribal sources in Marib, the fighters aboard military armored trucks pushed into the western fronts under heavy aerial cover on Saturday, indicating that al-Jufaina and Tabbat al-Masaryah fronts have seen the most brutal fighting.

On Sunday, a weapons depot in Tabbat al-Masaryah was bombed by airstrikes and flames were seen rising above this rocky hill front, according to the sources. The airstrikes have also targeted a Houthi checkpoint in Harib area of Shabwah, on the border with Marib, killing a number of Houthi fighters including their leader, who was identified as Abo Malek al-Khawlani.

On Monday, the tribal fighters closed in on the pro-Houthi forces at the Tabbat al-Masaryah front in the northwest, and were poised to drive them out from two positions, said a local tribal source, indicating that the push uphill was preceded with the heaviest airstrikes and the artillery shells yet seen. However, the Houthi-affiliated TV channel al-Masira said that Houthi forces were making "a tactical retreat," and that "the aggressors were using internationally banned missiles".

The fighting is not over yet in Marib; on Sunday the convoy of one of the Yemeni military commanders in charge of “liberating” Marib, Brigadier al-Qumayri, hit a landmine planted by the pro-Houthi forces. Four of al-Qumayri's body guards were killed, including his son, Hamza, and several others were injured, while he survived the bombing unscathed, according to a tribal source.

Update: Yemen Press reported on Tuesday that tribal and coalition forces had gained full control of Marib Dam, as well as Tabbat al-Masaryah. The YPP's sources confirmed those reports.

September 1–7: Airstrikes intensify after Marib missile attack

The UN-backed talks in the Omani capital, Muscat, have failed to bring Yemen’s warring parties any closer to an agreement; pro-Houthi/Saleh units have launched another short-range ballistic missile, killing dozens of Saudi, Emirati, and Bahraini troops in Marib, while other units continued to attack Saudi military installations across the border; the coalition has again intensified its airstrikes on Sanʻa and other cities in what has been seen as retaliation for the ballistic missile attack; two brigades of soldiers from Saudi-led coalition have been deployed in Aden; Qatari troops have reportedly joined the battle; fighting in the central governorates of Taʻiz, Ibb, and al-Baydha has been raging on since early last week. Last week, Yemeni political representatives, involved in weeks-long negotiations in Muscat, heatedly debated the seven-point proposal on the table. The Houthis and their allies put forth an initiative, seen as a concession and an alternative to the seven-point proposal, which requires them to implement UNSC resolution 2216 immediately. The initiative includes a number of points, the most important of which is the return of the exiled government to Sanʻa for 90 days. As a result, the negotiations have hit a stumbling block once again. On Monday, September 7, the Houthi and GPC delegates returned to Sanʻa, while reports indicate that disputes among members of the exiled government have started to appear on the surface.

On Friday, another short-range ballistic missile was fired by pro-Houthi/Saleh units toward a camp, some 25 km from Marib city, where coalition forces were deployed as a prelude to an assault on Sanʻa via Marib. The missile attack killed 45 Emirati soldiers, 10 Saudis, and five Bahrainis, in addition to tribal fighters allied with the coalition. The attack came two days after the Chief of Staff and the Interior Minister of the exiled government came to Safer area of Marib. On the day of the attack, the Chief of Staff was reportedly sacked.

The Saudi-led coalition has intensified the aerial bombardment on Sanʻa and other cities, killing scores of civilians. At least 10 cities and towns have been hit over the past week. Since Friday, at least 27 were reportedly killed in Sanʻa alone.

The coalition has deployed 8,000 additional troops in the southern port city of Aden. A brigade including 5,000 Southern Resistance fighters has been reportedly dissolved, after mutiny erupted and the commander was seriously injured. One thousand Qatari troops have also been sent to Yemen, while Sudanese forces are reportedly being prepared to be sent as well.